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DANIEL  O'CONNELL 


THE     IRISH     PATRIOT. 


WENDELL  PHILLIPS. 


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DANIEL    O'CONNELL 


THE  IRISH  PATRIOT 


BY 


WEI^^DELL    PHILLIPS 


BOSTON 
LEE    AND    SHEPARD,    PUBLISHERS 

NEW   YORK 
CHARLES    T.    DILLINGHAM 

1884 


Copyright,  1884, 
By  lee  and  SHEPARD. 


All  rights  reserved. 


STACK 
ANNEX 

DA 


^^ 


p^i 


DANIEL    O'CONNELL. 


A  HUNDRED  years  ago  to-day  Daniel  O'Connell  was 
born.  The  Irish  race,  wherever  scattered  over  the 
globe,  assembles  to-night  to  pay  fitting  tribute  to  his 
memory,  —  one  of  the  most  eloquent  men,  one  of  the 
most  devoted  patriots,  and  the  most  successful  states- 
man, which  that  race  has  given  to  history.  We  of 
other  races  may  well  join  you  in  that  tribute,  since 
the  cause  of  constitutional  government  owes  more  to 
O'Connell  than  to  any  other  political  leader  of  the  last 
two  centuries.  The  English-speaking  race,  to  find  his 
equal  among  its  statesmen,  must  pass  by  Chatham  and 
Walpole,  and  go  back  to  Oliver  Cromwell,  or  the  able 
men  who  held  up  the  throne  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  If  to 
put  the  civil  and  social  elements  of  your  day  into  suc- 
cessful action,  and  plant  the  seeds  of  continued  strength 
and  progress  for  coming  times,  —  if  this  is  to  be  a  states- 
man, then  most  emphatically  was  O'Connell  one.  To 
exert  this  control,  and  secure  this  progress,  while  and 
because  ample  means  lie  ready  for  use  under  your  hand, 
does  not  rob  Walpole  and  Colbert,  Chatham  and  Rich- 
elieu, of  their  title  to  be  considered  statesmen.  To  do 
it,  as  INIartin  Luther  did,  when  one  must  ingeniously 
discover  or  invent  his  tools,  and  while  the  mightiest 
forces  that  influence  human  affairs  are  arrayed  against 
him,  that  is  what  ranks  O'Connell  with  the  few  mas- 

8 


4  DANIEL  O  CONNELL. 

terly  statesmen  the  English-speaking  race  has  ever  had. 
When  Napoleon's  soldiers  bore  the  negro  chief  Tous- 
saint  L'Ouverture  into  exile,  he  said,  pointing  back  to 
San  Domingo,  "  You  think  you  have  rooted  up  the  tree 
of  liberty,  but  I  am  only  a  branch.  I  have  planted  the 
tree  itself  so  deep  that  ages  will  never  root  it  up." 
And  whatever  may  be  said  of  the  social  or  industrial 
condition  of  Hayti  during  the  last  seventy  years,  its 
nationality  has  never  been  successfully  assailed. 

O'Connell  is  the  only  Irishman  who  can  say  as  much 
of  Ireland.  From  the  peace  of  Utrecht,  1713,  till  the 
fall  of  Napoleon,  Great  Britain  was  the  leading  state 
in  Europe  ;  while  Ireland,  a  comparatively  insignificant 
island,  lay  at  its  feet.  She  weighed  next  to  nothing  in 
the  scale  of  British  politics.  The  Continent  pitied,  and 
England  despised  her.  O'Connell  found  her  a  mass  of 
quarrelling  races  and  sects,  divided,  dispirited,  broken- 
hearted, and  servile.  He  made  her  a  nation,  whose  first 
word  broke  in  pieces  the  iron  obstinacy  of  Wellington, 
tossed  Peel  from  the  cabinet,  and  gave  the  government 
to  the  Whigs ;  whose  colossal  figure,  like  the  helmet  in 
Walpole's  romance,  has  filled  the  political  sky  ever 
since ;  whose  generous  aid  thrown  into  the  scale  of  the 
three  great  British  reforms,  —  the  ballot,  the  corn-laws, 
and  slavery,  —  secured  their  success;  a  nation  whose 
continual  discontent  has  dragged  Great  Britain  down 
to  be  a  second-rate  power  on  the  chess-board  of  Europe. 
I  know  other  causes  liave  helped  in  producing  this  re- 
sult, but  the  nationality  which  O'Connell  created  has 
been  the  main  cause  of  this  ci^ange  in  England's  im- 
portance. Dean  Swift,  Molyneux,  and  Henry  Flood 
thrust  Ireland  for  a  moment  into  the  arena  of  British 
politics,  a  sturdy  suppliant  clamoring  for  justice ;  and 
Grattan  held  her  there  an  equal,  and,  as  he  thought,  a 
nation,  for  a  few  years.     But  the  unscrupulous  hand  of 


DANIEL  O  CONNELL.  5 

William  Pitt  brushed  away  in  an  hour  all  Grattan's 
works.  Well  might  he  say  of  the  Irish  Parliament 
which  he  brought  to  life,  "  I  sat  by  its  cradle,  I  fol- 
lowed its  hearse ; "  since  after  that  infamous  union, 
which  Byron  called  a  "  union  of  the  shark  with  its 
prey,"  Ireland  sank  back,  plundered  and  helpless. 
O'Connell  lifted  her  to  a  fixed  and  permanent  place  in 
English  affairs,  —  no  suppliant,  but  a  conqueror  dic- 
tating her  terms. 

HOW   TO   JUDGE   OF   o'CONNELL's   WORK. 

This  is  the  proper  stand-point  from  which  to  look  at 
O'Connell's  work.  This  is  the  consideration  that  ranks 
him,  not  with  founders  of  states,  like  Alexander,  Csesar, 
Bismarck,  Napoleon,  and  William  the  Silent,  but  with 
men  who,  without  arms,  by  force  of  reason,  have  revo- 
lutionized their  times,  —  with  Luther,  Jefferson,  Maz- 
zini,  Samuel  Adams,  Garrison,  and  Franklin.  I  know 
some  men  will  sneer  at  this  claim,  —  those  who  have 
never  looked  at  him  except  through  the  spectacles  of 
English  critics,  who  despised  him  as  an  Irishman  and  a 
Catholic,  until  they  came  to  hate  him  as  a  conqueror. 
As  Grattan  said  of  Kirwan,  "The  curse  of  Swift  was 
upon  him,  to  have  been  born  an  Irishman  and  a  man  of 
genius,  and  to  have  used  his  gifts  for  his  country's 
good."  Mark  what  measure  of  success  attended  the 
able  men  who  preceded  him,  in  circumstances  as  favor- 
able as  his,  perhaps  even  better ;  then  measure  him  by 
comparison. 

THE  MEASUEE   of   HIS   SUCCESS. 

An  island  soaked  with  the  blood  of  countless  rebel- 
lions, oppression  such  as  would  turn  cowards  into 
heroes,  a  race  whose  disciplined  valor  had  been  proved 
on  almost  every  battle-field  in  Europe,  and  whose  reck- 


6  DANIEL   O  CONNELL. 

less  daring  lifted  it,  any  time,  in  arms  against  England, 
with  hope  or  without  —  what  inspired  them?  Devo- 
tion, eloquence,  and  patriotism  seldom  paralleled  in 
history.  Who  led  them  ?  Dean  Sivift^  according  to 
Addison  "the  greatest  genius  of  his  age,"  called  by 
Pope  "the  incomparable,"  a  man  fertile  in  resources, 
of  stubborn  courage,  and  tireless  energy,  master  of  an 
English  style  unequalled,  perhaps,  for  its  purpose  then 
or  since,  a  man  who  had  twice  faced  England  in  her 
angriest  mood,  and  by  that  masterly  pen  subdued  her 
to  his  will ;  Henry  Floods  eloquent  even  for  an  Irish- 
man, and  sagacious  as  he  was  eloquent,  the  eclipse  of 
that  brilliant  life  one  of  the  saddest  pictures  in  Irish 
biography ;  G rattan,  with  all  the  courage,  and  more 
than  the  eloquence,  of  his  race,  a  statesman's  eye  quick 
to  see  every  advantage,  boundless  devotion,  unspotted 
integrity,  recognized  as  an  equal  by  the  world's  leaders, 
and  welcomed  by  Fox  to  the  House  of  Commons  as  the 
"  Demosthenes  of  Ireland  ;  "  Emmet  in  the  field,  Sheri- 
dan in  the  senate,  Curran  at  the  bar ,  and,  above  all, 
Edmund  Burke,  whose  name  makes  eulogy  superfluous, 
more  than  Cicero  in  the  senate,  almost  Plato  in  the 
academy.  All  these  gave  their  lives  to  Ireland;  and 
when  the  present  century  opened,  where  was  she? 
Sold  like  a  shive  in  the  market-place  by  her  perjured 
master,  William  Pitt.  It  was  then  that  O'Connell 
flung  himself  into  the  struggle,  gave  fifty  years  to  the 
service  of  his  country;  and  where  is  she  to-day?  Not 
only  redeemed,  but  her  independence  put  beyond  doubt 
or  peril.  Grattan  and  his  predecessors  could  get  no 
guaranties  for  what  rights  they  gained.  In  that  saga- 
cious, watchful,  and  almost  omnipotent  public  opinion, 
which  O'Connell  created,  is  an  all-sufficient  guaranty 
of  Ireland's  future.  Look  at  her !  almost  every  shackle 
has  fallen  from  her  limbs :  all  that  human  wisdom  has 


DANIEL  O  CONNELL.  7 

as  yet  devised  to  remedy  the  evils  of  bigotry  and  misrule 
has  been  done.  O'Connell  found  Ireland  a  "  hissing 
and  a  byword  "  in  Edinburgh  and  London.  He  made 
her  the  pivot  of  British  politics :  she  rules  them,  directly 
or  indirectly,  with  as  absolute  a  sway  as  the  slave-ques- 
tion did  the  United  States  from  1850  to  1865.  Look  into 
Earl  Russell's  book,  and  the  history  of  the  Reform  Bill 
of  1832,  and  see  with  how  much  truth  it  may  be  claimed 
that  O'Connell  and  his  fellows  gave  Englishmen  the 
ballot  under  that  act.  It  is  by  no  means  certain  that 
the  corn-laws  could  have  been  abolished  without  their 
aid.  In  the  anti-slavery  struggle  O'Connell  stands,  in 
influence  and  ability,  equal  with  the  best.  I  know  the 
credit  all  those  measures  do  to  English  leaders ;  but,  in 
my  opinion,  the  next  generation  will  test  the  states- 
manship of  Peel,  Palmerston,  Russell,  and  Gladstone, 
almost  entirely  by  their  conduct  of  the  Irish  question. 
All  the  laurels  they  have  hitherto  won  in  that  field  are 
rooted  in  ideas  which  Grattan  and  O'Connell  urged  on 
reluctant  hearers  for  half  a  century.  Why  do  Bismarck 
and  Alexander  look  with  such  contemptuous  indiffer- 
ence on  every  attempt  of  England  to  mingle  in  Euro- 
pean affairs?  Because  they  know  they  have  but  to  lift 
a  finger,  and  Ireland  stabs  her  in  the  back.  Where  was 
the  statesmanship  of  English  leaders  when  they  allowed 
such  an  evil  to  grow  so  formidable  ?  This  is  Ireland 
to-day.  What  was  she  when  O'Connell  undertook  her 
cause  ?     The  saddest  of  Irish  poets  has  described  her. 

*'  O  Ireland !  my  country,  the  hour  of  thy  pride  and  thy  splendor 

hath  passed ; 
And  the  chain  that  was  spurned  in  thy  moments  of  power  hangs 

heavy  around  thee  at  last. 
There  are  marks  in  the  fate  of  each  clime,  there  are  turns  in  the 

fortunes  of  men  ; 
But  the  changes  of  realms,  or  the  chances  of  time,  shall  never 

restore  thee  again. 


8  DANIEL   O'CONNELL. 

Thou  art  chained  to  the  wheel  of  the  foe  by  links  which  a  world 

cannot  sever : 
With  thy  tyrant  through  storm  and  through  calm  thou  shalt  go, 

and  thy  sentence  is  bondage  forever. 
Thou  art  doomed  for  the  thankless  to  toil,  thou  art  left  for  the 

proud  to  disdain ; 
And  the  blood  of  thy  sons  and  the  wealth  of  thy  soil  shall  be 

lavished  and  lavished  in  vain. 

Thy  riches  with  taunts  shall  be  taken,  thy  valor  with  coldness  be 
paid; 

And  of  millions  who  see  thee  thus  sunk  and  forsaken,  not  one 
shall  stand  forth  in  thine  aid. 

In  the  nations  thy  place  is  left  void ;  thou  art  lost  in  the  list  of 
the  free ; 

Even  realms  by  the  plague  and  the  earthquake  destroyed  may  re- 
vive, but  no  hope  is  for  thee." 

It  was  a  community  impoverished  by  five  centuries  of 
oppression,  —  four  millions  of  Catholics  robbed  of  every 
acre  of  their  native  land :  it  was  an  island  torn  by  race- 
hatred and  religious  bigotry,  her  priests  indifferent,  and 
her  nobles  hopeless  or  traitors.  The  wiliest  of  her 
enemies,  a  Protestant  IrisJunan,  ruled  the  British  sen- 
ate ;  the  sternest  of  her  tyrants,  a  Protestant  Irishman, 
led  the  armies  of  Europe.  Puritan  hate,  which  had 
grown  blinder  and  more  bitter  since  the  days  of  Crom- 
well, gave  them  weapons.  Ireland  herself  lay  bound  in 
the  iron  links  of  a  code  which  Montesquieu  said  could 
have  been  "  made  only  by  devils,  and  should  be  regis- 
tered only  in  hell."  Her  millions  were  beyond  the 
reach  of  the  great  reform  engine  of  modern  times,  since 
they  could  neither  read  nor  write. 

In  this  mass  of  ignorance,  weakness,  and  quarrel,  one 
keen  eye  saw  hidden  the  elements  of  union  and  strength. 
With  rarest  skill  he  called  them  forth,  and  marshalled 
them  into  rank.  Then  this  one  man,  without  birth, 
wealth,  or  office,  in  a  land  ruled  by  birth,  wealth,  and 


DANIEL   O  CORNELL.  9 

office,  moulded  from  those  unsuspected  elements  a 
power,  which,  over-awing  king,  senate,  and  people, 
wrote  his  single  will  on  the  statute-book  of  the  most 
obstinate  nation  in  Europe.  Safely  to  emancipate  the 
Irish  Catholics,  and,  in  spite  of  Saxon,  Protestant  hate, 
to  lift  all  Ireland  to  the  level  of  British  citizenship,  — 
this  was  the  problem  which  statesmanship  and  patriot- 
ism had  been  seeking  for  two  centuries  to  solve.  For 
this,  blood  had  been  poured  out  like  water.  On  this, 
the  genius  of  Swift,  the  learning  of  Molyneux,  and  the 
eloquence  of  Bushe,  Grattan,  and  Burke,  had  been 
wasted.  English  leaders  ever  since  Fox  had  studied 
this  problem  anxiousl}^  They  saAV  that  the  safety  of  the 
empire  was  compromised.  At  one  or  two  critical  mo- 
ments in  the  reign  of  George  III.,  one  signal  from  an 
Irish  leader  would  have  snapped  the  chain  that  bound 
Ireland  to  his  throne.  His  ministers  recognized  it ;  and 
they  tried  every  expedient,  exhausted  every  device, 
dared  every  peril,  kept  oaths  or  broke  them,  in  order  to 
succeed.  All  failed  ;  and  not. only  failed,  but  acknowl- 
edged they  could  see  no  way  in  which  success  could 
ever  be  achieved. 

"O'Connell  achieved  it.  Out  of  this  darkness  he 
called  forth  light.  Out  of  this  most  abject,  weak,  and 
pitiable  of  kingdoms  he  made  a  power ;  and,  dying,  he 
left  in  Parliament  a  spectre,  which,  unless  appeased, 
pushes  Whig  and  Tory  ministers  alike  from  their  stools. 

O'CONNELL  NOT  A  DEMAGOGUE. 

But  Brougham  says  he  was  a  demagogue.  Fie  on 
Wellington,  Derb}^  Peel,  Palmerston,  Liverpool,  Rus- 
sell, and  Brougham,  to  be  fooled  and  ruled  by  a  dema- 
gogue !  What  must  they,  the  subjects,  be,  if  O'Connell, 
their  king,  be  only  a  bigot  and  a  demagogue  ?  A  dema- 
gogue rides  the  storm :  he  has  never  really  the  ability 


10  DAKIEL  O'CONXELL. 

to  create  one.  He  uses  it  narrow!}',  ignorantlj,  and  for 
selfish  ends.  If  not  crushed  by  the  force,  which,  with- 
out his  will,  has  flung  him  into  power,  he  leads  it  with 
ridiculous  miscalculation  against  some  insurmountable 
obstacle  that  scatters  it  forever.  Dying,  he  leaves  no 
mark  on  the  elements  with  which  he  has  been  mixed. 
Robespierre  will  serve  for  an  illustration.  It  took 
O'Connell  thirty  years  of  patient  and  sagacious  labor 
to  mould  elements  whose  existence  no  man,  however 
wise,  had  ever  discerned  before.  He  used  them  unself- 
ishly, only  to  break  the  yoke  of  his  race.  Nearly  fifty 
years  have  passed  since  his  triumph,  but  his  impress 
still  stands  forth  clear  and  sharp  on  the  empire's  policy. 
Ireland  is  wholly  indebted  to  him  for  her  political 
education.  Responsibility  educates:  he  lifted  her  to 
broader  responsibilities.  Her  possession  of  power  makes 
it  the  keen  interest  of  other  classes  to  see  she  is  well 
informed.  He  associated  her  with  all  the  reform-move- 
ments of  Great  Britain.  This  is  the  education  of  affairs, 
broader,  deeper,  and  more  real  than  what  school  or  col- 
lege can  give.  This  and  power,  his  gifts,  are  the  lever 
which  lifts  her  to  every  other  right  and  privilege.  How 
much  England  owes  him  we  can  never  know  ;  since  how 
great  a  danger  and  curse  Ireland  would  have  been  to 
the  empire  had  she  continued  the  cancer  Pitt  and 
Castlereagh  left  her  is  a  chapter  of  history  which,  for- 
tunately, can  never  be  written.  No  demagogue  ever 
walked  through  the  streets  of  Dublin  as  O'Connell  and 
Grattan  did  more  than  once,  hooted  and  mobbed  because 
they  opposed  themselves  to  the  mad  purpose  of  the 
people,  and  crushed  it  by  a  stern  resistance.  No  dema- 
gogue would  have  offered  himself  to  a  race  like  the 
Irish  as  the  apostle  of  peace,  pledging  himself  to  the 
British  government,  that,  in  the  long  agitation  before 
him,  with  braVe  millions  behind  him  spoiling  for  a  fight, 
be  would  never  draw  a  sword. 


DANIEL  O'CONNELL.  11 

I  have  purposely  dwelt  long  on  this  view,  because 
the  extent  and  the  far-reaching  effects  of  O'ConnelFs 
work,  without  regard  to  the  motives  which  inspired 
liim,  or  the  methods  he  used,  have  never  been  fully 
recognized. 

Briefly  stated,  he  did  what  the  ablest  and  bravest  of 
his  forerunners  had  tried  to  do,  and  failed.  He  created 
a  public  opinion,  and  unity  of  purpose  (no  matter  what 
be  now  the  dispute  about  methods),  which  made  Ire- 
land a  nation;  he  gave  her  British  citizenship,  and  a 
place  in  the  imperial  Parliament ;  he  gave  her  a  press 
and  a  public :  with  these  tools  her  destiny  is  in  her  own 
hands.  When  the  abolitionists  got  for  the  negro  schools 
and  the  vote,  they  settled  the  slave-question ;  for  they 
planted  the  sure  seeds  of  civil  equality.  O'Connell  did 
this  for  Ireland,  —  this  which  no  Irishman  before  had 
ever  dreamed  of  attemj)ting.  Swift  and  Molyneux 
were  able.  Grattan,  Bushe,  Sauriu,  Burro wes,  Plunket, 
Curran,  Burke,  were  eloquent.  Throughout  the  Island 
courage  was  a  drug :  they  gained  now  one  point,  and 
now  another  ;  but,  after  all,  they  left  the  helm  of  Ire- 
land's destiny  in  foreign  and  hostile  hands.  O'Connell 
was  brave,  sagacious,  eloquent :  but,  more  than  all,  he 
was  a  statesman ;  for  he  gave  to  Ireland's  own  keeping 
the  key  of  her  future.  As  Lord  Bacon  marches  down 
the  centuries,  he  may  lay  one  hand  on  the  telegraph, 
and  the  other  on  the  steam-engine,  and  say,  "  These  are 
mine,  for  I  taught  you  how  to  study  nature."  In  a 
similar  sense,  as  shackle  after  shackle  falls  from  Irish 
limbs,  O'Connell  may  say,  "  This  victory  is  mine  ;  for  I 
taught  you  the  method,  and  I  gave  you  the  arms." 

SUCCESS   ACHIEVED   BY  BLOODLESS   MEASURES. 

I  have  hitherto  been  speaking  of  his  ability  and  suc- 
cess: by  and  by  we  will  look  at  his  character,  motives, 


12  DANIEL   O'COXNELL. 

and  methods.  This  unique  ability,  even  his  enemies 
have  been  forced  to  confess.  Harriet  Martineau,  in  her 
incomparable  history  of  the  "  Thirty  Years'  Peace,"  has, 
with  Tory  hate,  misconstrued  every  action  of  O'Connell, 
and  invented  a  bad  motive  for  each  one.  But  even  she 
confesses  that  "  he  rose  in  power,  influence,  and  noto- 
riety to  an  eminence  such  as  no  other  individual  citizen 
has  attained  in  modern  times  "  in  Great  Britain.  And 
one  of  his  by  no  means  partial  biographers  has  well 
said,  — 

"  Any  man  who  turns  over  the  magazines  and  newspapers  of 
that  period  will  easily  perceive  how  grandly  O'Connell's  figure 
dominated  in  politics,  how  completely  he  had  dispelled  the  indif- 
ference that  had  so  long  prevailed  on  Irish  questions,  how  clearly 
his  agitation  stands  forth  as  the  great  fact  of  the  time.  .  .  .  The 
truth  is,  his  position,  so  far  from  being  a  common  one,  is  absolutely 
unique  in  history.  We  may  search  in  vain  through  the  records  of 
the  past  for  any  man,  who  without  the  effusion  of  a  drop  of  blood, 
or  the  advantages  of  office  or  rank,  succeeded  in  governing  a  people 
so  absolutely  and  so  long,  and  in  creating  so  entirely  the  elements 
of  his  power.  .  .  .  There  was  no  rival  to  his  supremacy,  there  was 
no  restriction  to  his  authority.  He  played  with  the  enthusiasm  he 
had  aroused,  with  the  negligent  ease  of  a  master :  he  governed  the 
complicated  organization  he  had  created,  with  a  sagacity  that  never 
failed.  He  made  himself  the  focus  of  the  attention  of  other  lands, 
and  the  centre  around  which  the  rising  intellect  of  his  own  revolved. 
He  had  transformed  the  whole  social  system  of  Ireland ;  almost 
reversed  the  relative  positions  of  Protestants  and  Catholics;  re- 
modelled by  his  influence  the  representative,  ecclesiastical,  and 
educational  institutions,  and  created  a  public  opinion  that  surpassed 
the  wildest  dreams  of  his  predecessors.  Can  we  wonder  at  the 
proud  exultation  with  which  he  exclaimed,  •  Grattan  sat  by  the 
cradle  of  his  country,  and  followed  her  hearse:  it  was  left  for  me 
to  sound  the  resurrection  trumpet,  and  to  show  she  was  not  dead, 
but  sleeping  "? " 

But  the  method  by  which  he  achieved  his  success  is 
perhaps  moi'e  remarkable  than  even  the  success  itself. 


DANIEL  O'CONNELL.  13 

An  Irish  poet,  one  of  his  bitterest  assailants  thirty  years 
ago,  lias  laid  a  chaplet  of  atonement  on  his  altar,  and 
one  verse  runs, — 

"  O  great  world-leader  of  a  mighty  age  ! 
Praise  unto  thee  let  all  the  people  give. 
By  thy  great  name  of  Liberator  live 
In  golden  letters  upon  history's  page ; 
And  this  thy  epitaph  while  time  shall  be,  — 
He  found  his  country  chained,  hut  left  her  free." 

O'CONNELL   AS   AN   AGITATOR,   AND   THE  POWER   OF 
AGITATION. 

It  is  natural  that  Ireland  should  remember  him  as 
her  liberator.  But,  strange  as  it  may  seem  to  you,  I 
think  Europe  and  America  will  remember  him  by  a 
higher  title.  I  said  in  opening,  that  the  cause  of  con- 
stitutional government  is  more  indebted  to  O'Connell 
than  to  any  other  political  leader  of  the  last  two  cen- 
turies. What  I  mean  is,  that  he  invented  the  great 
method  of  constitutional  agitation.  Agitator  is  a  title 
which  will  last  longer,  which  suggests  a  broader  and 
more  permanent  influence,  and  entitles  him  to  the 
gratitude  of  far  more  millions,  than  the  name  Ireland 
loves  to  give  him.  The  "  first  great  agitator "  is  his 
proudest  title  to  gratitude  and  fame.  Agitation  is  the 
method  that  puts  the  school  by  the  side  of  the  ballot- 
box.  The  Fremont  canvass  was  the  nation's  best 
school.  Agitation  prevents  rebellion,  keeps  the  peace, 
and  secures  progress.  Every  step  she  gains  is  gained 
forever.  Muskets  are  the  weapons  of  animals  :  agita- 
tion is  the  atmosphere  of  brains.  The  old  Hindoo  saw, 
in  his  dream,  the  human  race  led  out  to  its  various 
fortunes.  First,  men  were  in  chains  which  went  back 
to  an  iron  hand ;  then  he  saw  them  led  by  threads  from 
the  brain,  which  went  upward  to  an  unseen  hand.     The 


14  DANIEL  O'CONNELL. 

first  was  despotism,  iron,  and  ruling  by  force.  The  last 
was  civilization,  ruling  by  ideas. 

Agitation  is  an  old  word  with  a  new  meaning.  Sir 
Robert  Peel,  the  first  English  leader  who  felt  he  was 
its  tool,  defined  it  to  be  "  the  marshalling  of  the  con- 
science of  a  nation  to  mould  its  laws."  O'Connell  was 
the  first  to  show  and  use  its  power,  to  lay  down  its 
principles,  to  analyze  its  elements,  and  mark  out  its 
metes  and  bounds.  It  is  voluntary,  public,  and  above- 
board, —  no  oath-bound  secret  societies  like  those  of 
old  time  in  Ireland,  and  of  the  Continent  to-day.  Its 
means  are  reason  and  argument,  —  no  appeal  to  arms. 
Wait  patiently  for  the  slow  growth  of  public  opinion. 
The  Frenchman  is  angry  with  his  government :  he 
throws  up  barricades,  and  shots  his  guns  to  the  lips. 
A  week's  fury  drags  the  nation  ahead  a  hand-breadth : 
re-action  lets  it  settle  half-way  back  again.  As  Lord 
Chesterfield  said,  a  hundred  years  ago,  "  You  French- 
men erect  barricades,  but  never  any  barriers."  An 
Englishman  is  dissatisfied  with  public  affairs.  He 
brings  his  charges,  offers  liis  proof,  waits  for  prejudice 
to  relax,  for  public  opinion  to  inform  itself.  Then 
every  step  taken  is  taken  forever:  an  abuse  once 
removed  never  re-appears  in  history.  Where  did  he 
learn  this  method?  Practically  speaking,  from  O'Con- 
nell. It  was  he  who  planted  its  corner-stone,  —  argu- 
ment, no  violence  ;  no  political  change  is  north  a  drop  of 
human  blood.  His  other  motto  was,  "Tell  the  whole 
truth;"  no  concealing  half  of  one's  convictions  to  make 
the  other  half  more  acceptable ;  no  denial  of  one  truth 
to  gain  hearing  for  another ;  no  compromise  ;  or,  as  he 
phrased  it,  "Nothing  is  politically  right  which  is  morally 
wrong." 

Above  all,  plant  yourself  on  the  millions.  The  sym- 
pathy of  every  human  being,  no  matter  how  ignorant 


DANIEL   O'CONNELL.  15 

or  how  humble,  adds  weight  to  public  opinion.  At  the 
outset  of  his  career  the  clergy  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  his 
appeal.  They  had  seen  their  flocks  led  up  to  useless 
slaughter  for  centuries,  and  counselled  submission. 
The  nobility  repudiated  him :  they  were  either  traitors 
or  hopeless.  Protestants  had  touched  their  Ultima 
Thule  with  Grattan,  and  seemed  settling  down  in 
despair.  English  Catholics  advised  waiting  till  the 
tyrant  grew  merciful.  O'Connell,  left  alone,  said,  ''  I 
will  forge  these  four  millions  of  Irish  hearts  into  a 
thunderbolt,  which  shall  suffice  to  dash  this  depotisra 
to  pieces."  And  he  did  it.  Living  under  an  aristo- 
cratic government,  himself  of  the  higher  class,  he  an- 
ticipated Lincoln's  wisdom,  and  framed  his  movements 
"  for  the  people,  of  the  people,  and  by  the  people."  It 
is  a  singular  fact,  that,  the  freer  a  nation  becomes,  the 
more  utterly  democratic  the  form  of  its  institutions, 
this  outside  agitation,  this  pressure  of  public  opinion  to 
direct  political  action,  becomes  more  and  more  neces- 
sary. The  general  judgment  is,  that  the  freest  possible 
government  produces  the  freest  possible  men  and  wo- 
men, —  the  most  individual,  the  least  servile  to  the 
judgment  of  others.  But  a  moment's  reflection  will 
show  any  man  that  this  is  an  unreasonable  expectation, 
and  that,  on  the  contrary,  entire  equality  and  freedom 
in  political  forms  almost  inevitably  tend  to  make  the 
individual  subside  into  the  mass,  and  lose  his  identity 
in  the  general  whole.  Suppose  we  stood  in  England 
to-night.  There  is  the  nobility,  and  here  is  the  church. 
There  is  the  trading-class,  and  here  is  the  literary.  A 
broad  gulf  separates  the  four ;  and  provided  a  member 
of  either  can  conciliate  his  own  section,  he  can  afford, 
in  a  very  large  measure,  to  despise  the  judgment  of  the 
other  three.  He  has,  to  some  extent,  a  refuge  and  a 
breakwater  against  the  tyranny  of  what  we  call  public 


16  DANIEL  O'CONNELL. 

opinion.  But  in  a  country  like  ours,  of  absolute  demo- 
cratic equality,  public  opinion  is  not  only  omnipotent, 
it  is  omnipresent.  There  is  no  refuge  from  its  tyranny ; 
there  is  no  hiding  from  its  reach;  and  the  result  is, 
that  if  you  take  the  old  Greek  lantern,  and  go  about  to 
seek  among  a  hundred,  you  will  find  not  one  single 
American  who  really  has  not,  or  who  does  not  fancy  at 
least  that  he  has,  something  to  gain  or  lose  in  his  ambi- 
tion, his  social  life,  or  his  business,  from  the  good 
opinion  and  the  votes  of  those  about  him.  And  the 
consequence  is,  that,  instead  of  being  a  mass  of  indi- 
viduals, each  one  fearlessly  blurting  out  his  own  con- 
victions, as  a  nation,  compared  with  other  nations,  we 
are  a  mass  of  cowards.  More  than  all  other  people, 
we  are  afraid  of  each  other. 

If  you  were  a  caucus  to-night.  Democratic  or  Repub- 
lican, and  I  were  your  orator,  none  of  you  could  get 
beyond  the  necessary  and  timid  limitations  of  party. 
You  not  only  would  not  demand,  you  would  not  allow 
me  to  utter,  one  word  of  what  you  really  thought,  and 
what  I  thought.  You  would  demand  of  me  —  and  my 
value  as  a  caucus  speaker  would  depend  entirely  on  the 
adroitness  and  the  vigilance  with  which  I  met  the  de- 
mand —  that  I  should  not  utter  one  single  word  which 
would  compromise  the  vote  of  next  week.  That  is 
politics;  so  with  the  press.  Seemingly  independent, 
and  sometimes  really  so,  the  press  can  afford  only  to 
mount  the  cresting  wave,  not  go  be3'ond  it.  The  editor 
might  as  well  shoot  his  reader  with  a  bullet  as  with  a 
new  idea.  He  must  hit  the  exact  line  of  the  opinion  of 
the  day.  I  am  not  finding  fault  with  him :  I  am  only 
describing  him.  Some  three  years  ago  I  took  to  one  of 
the  freest  of  the  Boston  journals  a  letter,  and  by  appro- 
priate consideration  induced  its  editor  to  print  it.  And 
as  we  glanced  along  its  contents,  and  came  to  the  con- 


DANIEL  O'CONNELL.  17 

eluding  statement,  he  said,  "Couldn't  you  omit  that?" 
I  said,  "  No :  I  wrote  it  for  that ;  it  is  the  gist  of  the 
statement."  —  "Well,"  said  he,  "it  is  true  :  there  is  not 
a  boy  in  the  streets  that  does  not  know  it  is  true ;  but  I 
wish  you  could  omit  it." 

I  insisted ;  and  the  next  morning,  fairly  and  justly, 
he  printed  the  whole.  Side  by  side  he  put  an  article 
of  his  own,  in  which  he  said,  "  We  copy  in  the  next 
column  an  article  from  Mr.  Phillips,  and  we  onl}^  regret 
the  absurd  and  unfounded  statement  with  which  he 
concludes  it."  He  had  kept  his  promise  by  printing 
the  article :  he  saved  his  reputation  by  printing  the 
comment.  And  that,  again,  is  the  inevitable,  the  essen- 
tial limitation  of  the  press  in  a  republican  community. 
Oar  institutions,  floating  unanchored  on  the  shifting 
surface  of  popular  opinion,  cannot  afford  to  hold  back, 
or  to  draw  forward,  a  hated  question,  and  compel  a  re- 
luctant public  to  look  at  it  and  to  consider  it.  Hence, 
as  you  see  at  once,  the  moment  a  large  issue,  twenty 
years  ahead  of  its  age,  presents  itself  to  the  considera- 
tion of  an  empire  or  of  a  republic,  just  in  proportion  to 
the  freedom  of  its  institutions  is  the  necessity  of  a  plat- 
form outside  of  the  press,  of  politics,  and  of  its  church, 
whereon  stand  men  with  no  candidate  to  elect,  with  no 
plan  to  carry,  with  no  reputation  to  stake,  with  no 
object  but  the  truth,  no  purpose  but  to  tear  the  ques- 
tion open  and  let  the  light  through  it.  So  much  in 
explanation  of  a  word  infinitely  hated,  —  agitation  and 
agitators,  —  but  an  element  which  the  progress  of  mod- 
ern government  has  developed  more  and  more  every 
day. 

The  great  invention  we  trace  in  its  twilight  and 
seed  to  the  days  of  the  Long  Parliament.  Defoe  and 
L'Estrange,  later  down,  were  the  first  prominent  Eng- 
lishmen to  fling  pamphlets  at  the  House  of  Commons. 


18  DANIEL  O'CONNELL. 

Swift  ruled  England  by  pamphlets.  Wilberforce  sum- 
moned the  Church,  and  sought  the  alliance  of  influential 
classes.  But  O'Connell  first  showed  a  profound  faith 
in  the  human  tongue.  He  descried  afar  off  the  coming 
omnipotence  of  the  press.  He  called  the  millions  to 
his  side,  appreciated  the  infinite  weight  of  the  simple 
human  heart  and  conscience,  and  grafted  democracy 
into  the  British  Empire.  The  later  abolitionists,  Bux- 
ton, Sturge,  and  Thompson,  borrowed  his  method. 
Cobdon  flung  it  in  the  face  of  the  almost  omnipotent 
landholders  of  England,  and  broke  the  Tory  party  for- 
ever. They  only  haunt  upper  air  now  in  the  stolen 
garments  of  the  Whigs.  The  English  administration 
recognizes  this  new  partner  in  the  government,  and 
waits  to  be  moved  on.  Garrison  brought  the  new 
weapon  to  our  shores.  The  only  wholly  useful  and 
thoroughly  defensible  war  Christendom  has  seen  in  this 
century,  the  greatest  civil  and  social  change  the  English 
race  ever  saw,  are  the  result. 

This  great  servant  and  weapon,  peace  and  constitu- 
tional government  owe  to  O'Connell.  Who  has  given 
progress  a  greater  boon  ?  What  single  agent  has  done 
as  much  to  bless  and  improve  the  world  for  the  last 
fifty  years  ? 

THE  PLAINNESS   OP   HIS   SPEECH. 

O'Connell  has  been  charged  with  coarse,  violent,  and 
intemperate  language.  The  criticism  is  of  little  im- 
portance. Stupor  and  palsy  never  understand  life. 
White-livered  indifference  is  alwaj's  disgusted  and  an- 
noyed by  earnest  conviction.  Protestants  criticised 
Luther  in  the  same  way.  It  took  three  centuries  to 
carry  us  far  off  enough  to  appreciate  his  colossal  pro- 
portions. It  is  a  hundred  years  to-day  since  O'Connell 
was  bom.     It  will  take  another  hundred  to  put  us  at 


DANIEL  O'CONNELL.  19 

such  an  angle  as  will  enable  us  correctly  to  measure 
nis  stature.  Premising  that  it  would  be  folly  to  find 
fault  with  a  man  struggling  for  life  because  his  at- 
titudes were  ungraceful,  remembering  the  Scythian 
king's  answer  to  Alexander,  criticising  his  strange 
weapon,  — "  If  you  knew  how  precious  freedom  was, 
you  would  defend  it  even  with  axes,"  —  we  must  see 
that  O'Conneirs  own  explanation  is  evidently  sincere 
and  true.  He  found  the  Irish  heart  so  cowed,  and 
Englishmen  so  arrogant,  that  he  saw  it  needed  an  .inde- 
pendence verging  on  insolence,  a  defiance  that  touched 
extremest  limits,  to  breathe  self-respect  into  his  own 
race,  teach  the  aggressor  manners,  and  sober  him  into 
respectful  attention.  It  was  the  same  with  us  aboli- 
tionists. Webster  had  taught  the  North  the  'bated 
breath  and  crouching  of  a  slave.  It  needed  with  us  an 
attitude  of  independence  that  was  almost  insolent,  it 
needed  that  we  should  exhaust  even  the  Saxon  vocabu- 
lary of  scorn,  to  fitly  utter  the  righteous  and  haughty 
contempt  that  honest  men  had  for  man-stealers.  Only 
in  that  way  could  we  wake  the  North  to  self-respect,  or 
teach  the  South  that  at  length  she  had  met  her  equal, 
if  not  her  master.  On  a  broad  canvas,  meant  for  the 
public  square,  the  tiny  lines  of  a  Dutch  interior  would 
be  invisible.  In  no  other  circumstances  was  the  French 
maxim,  "  You  can  never  make  a  revolution  with  rose- 
water,"  more  profoundly  true.  The  world  has  hardly 
yet  learned  how  deep  a  philosophy  lies  hid  in  Ham- 
let's, — 

"  Nay,  an  thou'It  mouth, 
I'll  rant  as  well  as  thou." 

O'Connell  has  been  charged  with  insincerity  in  urging 
repeal,  and  those  who  defended  his  sincerity  have  leaned 
toward  allowing  that  it  proved  his  lack  of  common 
sense.      I   think    both    critics    mistaken.      His    earliest 


20  DANIEL  O'CONNELL. 

speeches  point  to  repeal  as  his  ultimate  object :  indeed, 
he  valued  emancipation  largel}'-  as  a  means  to  that  end. 
Ko  fair  view  of  his  whole  life  will  leave  the  slight- 
est ground  to  doubt  his  sincerity.  As  for  the  reason- 
ableness and  necessity  of  the  measure,  I  think  every 
year  proves  them.  Considering  O'Connell's  position, 
I  wholly  sympathize  in  his  profound  and  unshaken 
loyalty  to  the  empire.  Its  share  in  the  British  empire 
makes  Ireland's  strength  and  importance.  Standing 
alone  among  the  vast  and  massive  sovereignties  of 
Europe,  she  would  be  weak,  insignificant,  and  helpless. 
Were  I  an  Irishman  I  should  cling  to  the  empire. 

Fifty  or  sixty  years  hence,  when  scorn  of  race  has 
vanished,  and  bigotry  is  lessened,  it  may  be  possible 
for  Ireland  to  be  safe  and  free  while  holding  the  posi- 
tion to  England  that  Scotland  does.  But  duringr  this 
generation  and  the  next,  O'Connell  was  wise  in  claim- 
ing that  Ireland's  rights  would  never  be  safe  without 
"•home  rule."  A  substantial  repeal  of  the  union  should 
be  every  Irishman's  earnest  aim.  Were  I  their  adviser, 
I  should  constantly  repeat  what  Grattau  said  in  1810, 
"  The  best  advice,  gentlemen,  I  can  give  ou  all  occa- 
sions is,  '  Keep  knocking  at  the  union.'  " 


HIS    PATIENCE   THE    MOST    REMARKABLE    OF    ALL   HIS 

GIFTS. 

We  imagine  an  Irishman  to  be  only  a  zealot  on  fire.. 
We  fancy  Irish  spirit  and  eloquence  to  be  only  blind, 
reckless,  headlong  enthusiasm.  But,  in  truth,  Grattan 
was  the  soberest  leader  of  his  day;  holding  scrupu- 
lously back  the  disorderly  elements,  which  fretted 
under  his  curb.  There  was  one  hour,  at  least,  when 
a  word  from  him  would  have  lighted  a  democratic  re- 
volt throughout  the  empire.     And  the  most  remarkable 


DANIEL  O'CONNELL.  21 

of  O'Connell's  gifts  was  neither  his  eloquence  nor  his 
sagacity:  it  was  his  patience,  —  "patience,  all  the  pas- 
sion of  great  souls ;  "  the  tireless  patience,  which,  from 
1800  to  1820,  went  from  town  to  town,  little  aided  by 
the  press,  to  plant  the  seeds  of  an  intelligent  and 
united,  as  well  as  hot  patriotism.  Then,  after  many 
years  and  long  toil,  waiting  for  rivals  to  be  just,  for 
prejudice  to  wear  out,  and  for  narrowness  to  grow  wise, 
using  British  folly  and  oppression  as  his  wand,  he 
moulded  the  enthusiasm  of  the  most  excitable  of  races, 
the  just  and  inevitable  indignation  of  four  millions  of 
Catholics,  the  hate  of  plundered  poverty,  priest,  noble, 
and  peasant,  into  one  fierce,  though  harmonious  mass. 
He  held  it  in  careful  check,  with  sober  moderation, 
watching  every  opportunity,  attracting  ally  after  ally, 
never  forfeiting  any  possible  friendship,  allowing  no 
provocation  to  stir  Iiim  to  any  thing  that  would  not 
help  his  cause,  compelling  each  hottest  and  most  igno- 
rant of  his  followers  to  remember  tliat  "he  who  com- 
mits a  crime  helps  the  enemy."  At  last,  when  the  hour 
struck,  this  power  was  made  to  achieve  justice  for  itself, 
and  put  him  in  London,  —  him,  this  despised  Irishman, 
this  hated  Catholic,  this  mere  demagogue  and  man  of 
words,  him,  —  to  hold  the  Tory  party  in  one  hand,  and 
the  Whig  party  in  the  other ;  all  this  without  shedding 
a  drop  of  blood,  or  disturbing  for  a  moment  the  peace  of 
the  empire.  While  O'Connell  held  Ireland  in  his  hand, 
her  people  were  more  orderly,  law-abiding,  and  peaceful 
than  for  a  century  before,  or  during  any  year  since. 
The  strength  of  tliis  marvellous  control  passes  compre- 
hension. Out  West  I  met  an  Irishman  whose  father 
held  him  up  to  see  O'Connell  address  the  two  hundred 
thousand  men  at  Tara,  —  literally  to  see,  not  to  hear 
him.  I  said,  "  But  you  could  not  all  hear  even  his 
voice."  —  "Oh,  no,  sir!     Only  about  thirty  thousand 


22  DANIEL  O'CONNELL. 

could  hear  him,  but  we  all  kept  as  still  and  silent  as  if 
we  did,''^  With  magnanimous  frankness  O'Connell  once 
said,  "  I  never  could  have  held  those  monster  meetings 
without  a  crime,  without  disorder,  tumult,  or  quarrel, 
except  for  Father  Mathew's  aid."  Any  man  can  build 
a  furnace,  and  turn  water  into  steam, — yes,  if  careless, 
make  it  rend  his  dwelling  in  pieces.  Genius  builds  the 
locomotive,  harnesses  this  terrible  power  in  iron  traces, 
holds  it  with  master-hand  in  useful  limits,  and  gives  it 
to  the  peaceable  service  of  man.  The  Irish  people  were 
O'Connell's  locomotive,  sagacious  patience  and  modera- 
tion the  genius  that  built  it.  Parliament  and  justice  the 
station  he  reached. 

HIS   RECORD   BROAD   AND  BRAVE. 

Every  one  who  has  studied  O'Connell's  life  sees  his 
marked  likeness  to  Luther,  —  the  unity  of  both  their 
lives;  their  wit;  the  same  massive  strength,  even  if 
coarse-grained ;  the  ease  with  which  each  reached  the 
masses,  the  power  with  which  they  wielded  them ; 
the  same  unrivalled  eloquence,  fit  for  any  audience; 
the  same  instinct  of  genius  that  led  them  constantly 
to  acts,  which,  as  Voltaire  said,  "  Foolish  men  call  rash, 
but  wisdom  sees  to  be  brave ;  "  the  same  broad  success. 
But  O'Connell  had  one  great  element  which  Luther 
lacked, — the  universality  of  his  sympathy;  the  far- 
reaching  sagacity  which  discerned  truth  afar  off,  just 
struggling  above  the  horizon  ;  the  loyal,  brave,  and 
frank  spirit  which  acknowledged  and  served  it ;  the 
profound  and  rare  faith  which  believed  that  "the  whole 
of  truth  can  never  do  harm  to  the  whole  of  virtue." 
From  the  serene  height  of  intellect  and  judgment  to 
which  God's  gifts  had  lifted  him,  he  saw  clearly  that 
no  one  right  was  ever  in  the  way  of  another,  that 
injustice  harms  the  wrong-doer  even  more   than   the 


DANIEL  O'CONNELL.  23 

victim,  that  whoever  puts  a  chain  on  another  fastens  it 
also  on  himself.  Serenely  confident  that  the  truth  is 
always  safe,  and  justice  always  expedient,  he  saw  that 
intolerance  is  only  want  of  faith.  He  who  stifles  free 
discussion,  secretly  doubts  whether  what  he  professes 
to  believe  is  really  true.  Coleridge  says,  "  See  how 
triumphant  in  debate  and  notion  O'Connell  is  !  Why  ? 
Because  he  asserts  a  broad  principle,  acts  up  to  it,  rests 
his  body  on  it,  and  has  faith  in  it." 

Co-worker  with  Father  Mathew;  champion  of  the 
Dissenters ;  advocating  the  substantial  principles  of 
the  Charter,  though  not  a  Chartist ;  foe  of  the  corn- 
laws  ;  battling  against  slavery,  whether  in  India  or  the 
Carolinas ;  the  great  democrat  who  in  Europe  seventy 
years  ago  called  the  people  to  his  side ;  starting  a  move- 
ment of  the  people,  for  the  people,  by  the  people, — 
show  me  another  record  as  broad  and  brave  as  this  in 
the  European  history  of  our  century.  Where  is  the 
English  statesman,  where  the  Irish  leader,  who  can 
claim  one  ?  Ko  wonder  every  Englishman  hated  and 
feared  him  !  He  wounded  their  prejudices  at  every 
point.  Whig  and  Tory,  timid  Liberal,  narrow  Dis- 
senter, bitter  Radical — all  feared  and  hated  this  broad, 
brave  soul,  who  dared  to  follow  Truth  wherever  he  saw 
her,  whose  toleration  was  as  broad  as  human  nature, 
and  his  sympathy  as  boundless  as  the  sea. 

THE  FllIEND   OF  THE  COLORED   SLAVE. 

To  show  you  that  he  never  took  a  leaf  from  our 
American  gospel  of  compromise ;  that  he  never  filed 
his  tongue  to  silence  on  one  truth,  fancying  so  to  help 
another ;  that  he  never  sacrificed  any  race  to  save  even 
Ireland,  —  let  me  compare  him  with  Kossuth,  whose 
only  merits  were  his  eloquence  and  his  patriotism. 
When   Kossuth  was   in   Faneuil   Hall,   he   exclaimed. 


24  DANIEL  O'CONNELL. 

"  Here  is  a  flag  without  a  stain,  a  nation  without  a 
crime ! "  We  abolitionists  appealed  to  him,  "  O  elo- 
quent son  of  the  Magyar,  come  to  break  chains !  have 
you  no  word,  no  pulse-beat,  for  four  millions  of  negroes 
bending  under  a  yoke  ten  times  heavier  than  that  of 
Hungary  ?  "  Hs  answered,  "  I  would  forget  anybody, 
I  would  praise  any  thing,  to  help  Hungary." 

O'Connell  never  said*  any  thing  like  that.  When  I 
was  in  Naples,  I  asked  Sir  Thomas  Fowell  Buxton,  a 
Tory,  "  Is  O'Connell  an  honest  man  ?  "  —  "  As  honest 
a  man  as  ever  breathed,"  said  he,  and  then  told  me 
this  story.  "  When,  in  1830,  O'Connell  entered  Par- 
liament, the  anti-slavery  cause  was  so  weak  that  it  had 
only  Lushington  and  myself  to  speak  for  it ;  and  we 
agreed,  that  when  he  spoke  I  should  cheer  him,  and 
when  I  spoke  he  should  cheer  me ;  and  these  were  the 
only  cheers  we  ever  got.  O'Connell  came,  with  one 
Irish  member  to  support  him.  A  large  number  of 
members  [I  think  Buxton  said  twenty-seven],  whom 
we  called  the  West-India  interest,  the  Bristol  party, 
the  slave-party,  went  to  him,  saying,  '  O'Connell,  at 
last  you  are  in  the  House,  with  one  helper.  If  you 
will  never  go  down  to  Freemasons'  Hall  with  Buxton 
and  Brougham,  here  are  twenty-seven  votes  for  you  on 
every  Irish  question.  If  you  work  with  those  aboli- 
tionists, count  us  always  against  you.'  " 

It  was  a  terrible  temptation.  How  many  a  so-called 
statesman  would  have  yielded !  O'Connell  said,  "  Gen- 
tlemen, God  knows  I  speak  for  the  saddest  people  the 
sun  sees ;  but  may  my  right  hand  forget  its  cunning, 
and  my  tongue  cleave  to  the  roof  of  my  mouth,  if,  to 
save  Ireland,  —  even  Ireland, — I  forget  the  negro  one 
single  hour !  "  "  From  that  day,"  said  Buxton,  "  Lush- 
ington and  I  never  went  into  the  lobby  that  O'Connell' 
did  not  follow  us." 


DAJSriEL  O'CONNELL.  25 

And  right  in  this  connection,  let  me  read  the  follow- 
ing despatch :  — 

Cincinnati,  O.,  Aug.  6. 
Westdeli,  Phillips,  Boston. 

The  national  conference  of  colored  newspaper-men  to  the 
O'Connell  Celebration,  greeting:  — 

Resolved,  That  it  is  befitting  a  convention  of  colored  men 
assembled  on  the  centennial  anniversary  of  the  birth  of  the  lib- 
erator of  Ireland  and  friend  of  humanity,  Daniel  O'Connell,  to 
recall  with  gratitude  his  eloquent  and  effective  pleas  for  the  free- 
dom of  our  race ;  and  we  earnestly  commend  his  example  to  our 
countrymen. 

J.   C.   JACKSON,   Secretary. 
PETER  H.   CLARK,  President. 
GEORGE   T.   RUBY. 
LEWIS  D.   EASTON. 


HIS   RELIGIOUS   TOLERATION. 

Learn  of  him,  friends,  the  hardest  lesson  we  ever 
have  set  us,  that  of  toleration.  The  foremost  Catholic 
of  his  age,  the  most  stalwart  champion  of  the  Church, 
he  was  also  broadly  and  sincerely  tolerant  of  every 
faith.     His  toleration  had  no  limit,  and  no  qualification. 

I  scorn  and  scout  the  word  "toleration."  It  is  an 
insolent  terra.  No  man,  properly  speaking,  tolerates 
another.  I  do  not  tolerate  a  Catholic,  neither  does  he 
tolerate  me.  We  are  equal,  and  acknowledge  each 
other's  right :  that  is  the  correct  statement. 

That  every  man  should  be  allowed  freely  to  worship 
God  according  to  his  conscience,  that  no  man's  civil 
rights  should  be  affected  by  his  religious  creed,  were 
both  cardinal  principles  of  O'Connell.  He  had  no  fear 
that  any  doctrine  of  his  faith  could  be  endangered  by 
the  freest  possible  discussion.  Learn  of  him,  also,  sym- 
pathy with  every  race,  and  every  form  of  oppression. 
No  matter  who  was  the  sufferer,  or  what  the  form  of 


26  DANIEL  O'CONNELL. 

the  injustice,  —  starving  Yorkshire  peasant,  imprisoned 
Chartist,  persecuted  Protestant,  or  negro  shive ;  no 
matter  of  what  right,  personal  or  civil,  the  victim  had 
been  robbed ;  no  matter  v^^hat  religious  pretext  or  polit- 
ical juggle  alleged  "  necessity "  as  an  excuse  for  his 
oppression;  no  matter  with  what  solemnities  he  had 
been  devoted  on  the  altar  of  slavery,  —  the  moment 
O'Connell  saw  him,  the  altar  and  the  God  sank  together 
in  the  dust,  the  victim  was  acknowledged  a  man  and  a 
brother,  equal  in  all  rights,  and  entitled  to  all  the  aid 
the  great  Irishman  could  give  him. 

O'CONNELL,  AS   AN   ORATOR. 

I  have  no  time  to  speak  of  his  marvellous  success  at 
the  bar ;  of  that  profound  skill  in  the  law  which  ena- 
bled him  to  conduct  such  an  agitation,  always  on  the 
verge  of  illegality  and  violence,  without  once  subject- 
ing himself  or  his  followers  to  legal  penalty,  —  an  agi- 
tation under  a  code  of  which  Brougham  said,  "No 
Catholic  could  lift  his  hand  under  it  without  breaking 
the  law."  I  have  no  time  to  speak  of  his  still  more 
remarkable  success  in  the  House  of  Commons.  Of 
Flood's  failure  there,  Grattan  had  said,  "He  was  an 
oak  of  the  forest,  too  old  and  too  great  to  be  trans- 
planted at  fifty."  Grattan's  own  success  there  was 
but  moderate.  The  power  O'Connell  wielded  against 
varied,  bitter,  and  unscrupulous  opposition  was  marvel- 
lous. I  have  no  time  to  speak  of  his  personal  inde- 
pendence, his  deliberate  courage,  moral  and  physical, 
his  unspotted  private  character,  his  unfailing  hope,  the 
versatility  of  his  talent,  his  power  of  tireless  work, 
his  ingenuity  and  boundless  resource,  his  matchless 
self-possession  in  every  emergency,  his  ready  and  inex- 
haustible wit.  But  any  reference  to  O'Connell  that 
omitted  his  eloquence  would  be  painting  Wellington  in 


DANIEL  O'CONNELL.  27 

the  House  of  Lords  without  mention  of  Torres  Vedras 
or  Waterloo. 

Broadly  considered,  his  eloquence  has  never  been 
equalled  in  modern  times,  certainly  not  in  English 
speech.  Do  you  think  I  am  partial?  I  -will  vouch 
John  Randolph  of  Roanoke,  the  Virginia  slaveholder, 
who  hated  an  Irishman  almost  as  much  as  he  hated  a 
Yankee,  himself  an  orator  of  no  mean  level.  Hearing 
O'Connell,  he  exclaimed,  "  This  is  the  man,  these  are 
the  lips,  the  most  eloquent  that  speak  English  in  my 
day."  I  think  he  was  right.  I  remember  the  solem- 
nity of  Webster,  the  grace  of  Everett,  the  rhetoric  of 
Choate ;  I  know  the  eloquence  that  lay  hid  in  the  iron 
logic  of  Calhoun ;  I  have  melted  beneath  the  magnet- 
ism of  Sergeant  S.  Prentiss  of  Mississippi,  who  wielded 
a  power  few  men  ever  had.  It  has  been  my  fortune 
to  sit  at  the  feet  of  the  great  speakers  of  {he  English 
tongue  on  the  other  side  of  the  ocean.  But  I  think 
all  of  them  together  never  surpassed,  and  no  one  of 
them  evpr  equalled,  O'Connell.  Nature  intended  him 
for  our  Demosthenes.  Never  since  the  great  Greek  has 
she  sent  forth  any  one  so  lavishly  gifted  for  his  word 
as  a  tribune  of  the  people.  In  the  first  place,  he  had 
a  magnificent  presence,  impressive  in  bearing,  massive 
like  that  of  Jupiter.  Webster  himself  hardly  outdid 
him  in  the  majesty  of  his  proportions.  To  be  sure,  he 
had  not  Webster's  craggy  face,  and  precipice  of  brow, 
nor  his  eyes  glowing  like  anthracite  coal ;  nor  had  he 
the  lion  roar  of  Mirabeau.  But  his  presence  filled  the 
eye.  A  small  O'Connell  would  hardly  have  been  an 
O'Connell  at  all.  These  physical  advantages  are  half 
the  battle.  I  remember  Russell  Lowell  telling  us  that 
Mr.  Webster  came  home  from  Washington  at  the  time 
the  Whig  party  thought  of  dissolution  a  year  or  two 
before  his  death,  and  went  down  to  Faneuil  Hall   to 


28  DANIEL  O'CONNELL. 

protest ;  drawing  himself  up  to  his  loftiest  proportion, 
his  brow  clothed  with  thunder,  before  the  listening 
thousands,  he  said,  "Well,  gentlemen,  I  am  a  Whig, 
a  Massachusetts  Whig,  a  Faneuil-hall  Whig,  a  revolu- 
tionary Whig,  a  constitutional  Whig.  If  you  break 
the  Whig  party,  sir,  where  am  I  to  go?"  And  says 
Lowell,  "  We  held  our  breath,  thinking  where  he  could 
go.  If  he  had  been  five  feet  three,  we  should  have 
said,  ' Who  cares  where  you  go ? '"  So  it  was  with 
O'Connell.  There  was  something  majestic  in  his  pres- 
ence before  he  spoke ;  and  he  added  to  it  what  Web- 
ster had  not,  what  Clay  might  have  lent,  —  grace. 
Lithe  as  a  boy  at  seventy,  ever}-  attitude  a  picture, 
every  gesture  a  grace,  he  was  still  all  nature  :  nothing 
but  nature  seemed  to  speak  all  over  him.  Then  he 
had  a  voice  that  covered  the  gamut.  Tlie  majesty  of 
his  indignation,  fitly  uttered  in  tones  of  superhuman 
power,  made  him  able  to  "indict"  a  nation,  in  spite 
of  Burke's  protest. 

I  heard  him  once  say,  "  I  send  my  voice  across  the 
Atlantic,  careering  like  the  thunder-storm  against  the 
breeze,  to  tell  the  slaveholder  of  the  Carolinas  that 
God's  thunderbolts  are  hot,  and  to  remind  the  bondman 
that  the  dawn  of  his  redemption  is  already  breaking." 
You  seemed  to  hear  the  tones  come  echoing  back  to 
London  from  tlie  Rocky  Mountains.  Then,  witli  the 
sliglitest  possible  Irish  brogue,  he  would  tell  a  story, 
while  all  Exeter  Hall  shook  with  laughter.  The  next 
moment,  tears  in  his  voice  like  a  Scotch  song,  five 
thousand  men  wept.  And  all  the  while  no  effort.  He 
seemed  only  breathing, 

"  As  effortless  as  woodland  nooks 
Send  violets  up,  and  paint  them  blue." 

We  used  to  say  of  Webster,  "  This  is  a  great  effort ; " 


DANIEL  O'CONNELL.  29 

of  Everett,  "  It  is  a  beautiful  effort ;  "  but  you  never 
used  the  word  "effort"  in  speaking  of  O'Connell.  It 
provoked  you  that  he  would  not  make  an  ejffort.  And 
this  wonderful  power,  it  was  not  a  thunder-storm :  he 
flanked  you  with  his  wit,  he  surprised  you  out  of  your- 
self; you  were  conquered  before  you  knew  it.  His 
marvellous  voice,  its  almost  incredible  power  and  sweet- 
ness, Bulwer  has  well  described:  — 

"  Once  to  my  sight  that  giant  form  was  given, 
AValled  by  wide  air,  and  roofed  by  boundless  heaven. 
Beneath  his  feet  the  human  ocean  lay, 
And  wave  on  wave  rolled  into  space  away. 
Llethought  no  clarion  could  have  sent  its  sound 
Even  to  the  centre  of  ^he  hosts  around ; 
And,  as  I  thought,  rose  the  sonorous  swell, 
As  from  some  church-tower  swings  the  silvery  bell. 
Aloft  and  clear,  from  airy  tide  to  tide 
It  glided,  easy  as  a  bird  may  glide. 
Even  to  the  verge  of  that  vast  audience  sent, 
It  played  with  each  wild  passion  as  it  went : 
Kow  stirred  the  ui:)roar,  now  the  murmur  stilled, 
And  sobs  or  laughter  answered  as  it  willed." 

Webster  could  awe  a  senate,  Everett  could  charm  a 
college,  and  Choate  cheat  a  jury ;  Clay  could  mag- 
netize the  million,  and  Corwin  lead  them  captive. 
O'Connell  was  Clay,  Corwin,  Choate,  Everett,  and 
Webster  in  one.  Before  the  courts,  logic ;  at  the  bar 
of  the  senate,  unanswerable  and  dignified ;  on  the  plat- 
form, grace,  wit,  and  pathos ;  before  the  masses,  a  whole 
man.  Carlyle  sa3-s,  "  He  is  God's  own  anointed  king 
whose  single  word  melts  all  wills  into  his."  This 
describes  O'Connell.  Emerson  says,  "  There  is  no  true 
eloquence,  unless  there  is  a  man  behind  the  speech." 
Daniel  O'Connell  was  listened  to  because  all  England 
and  all  Ireland  knew  that  there  was  a  man  behind  the 
speech, — one  who  could  be  neither  bought,  bullied,  nor 


30  DANIEL  O'CONNELL. 

cheated.     He  held  the  masses  free  but  willmg  subjects 
in  his  hand. 

HIS  COURAGE. 

He  owed  this  power  to  the  courage  that  met  every 
new  question  frankly,  and  concealed  none  of  his  con- 
victions; to  an  entireness  of  devotion  that  made  the 
people  feel  he  was  all  their  own ;  to  a  masterly  brain 
that  made  them  sure  they  were  always  safe  in  his  hands. 
Behind  them  were  ages  of  bloodshed :  every  rising  had 
ended  at  the  scaffold ;  even  Grattan  brought  them  to 
1798.  O'Connell  said,  "Follow  me:  put  your  feet 
where  mine  have  trod,  and  a  sheriff  shall  never  lay 
hand  on  your  shoulder."  And  the  great  lawyer  kept 
his  pledge. 

This  unmatched,  long-continued  power  almost  passes 
belief.  You  can  only  appreciate  it  by  comparison.  Let 
me  carry  3*ou  back  to  the  mob-year  of  1835,  in  this 
country,  when  the  abolitionists  were  hunted,  when  the 
streets  roared  with  riot ;  when  from  Boston  to  Balti- 
more, from  St.  Louis  to  Philadelphia,  a  mob  took  pos- 
session of  every  city ;  when  private  houses  were  invaded 
and  public  halls  were  burned,  press  after  press  was 
thrown  into  the  river,  and  Lovejoy  baptized  freedom 
with  his  blood.  You  remember  it.  Respectable  jour- 
nals warned  the  mob  that  they  were  playing  into  the 
hands  of  the  abolitionists.  Webster  and  Clay  and  the 
staff  of  Whig  statesmen  told  the  people  that  the  truth 
floated  farther  on  the  shouts  of  the  mob  than  the  most 
eloquent  lips  could  carry  it.  But  law-abiding,  Protest- 
ant, educated  America  could  not  be  held  back.  Neither 
Whig  chiefs  nor  respectable  journals  could  keep  these 
people  quiet.  Go  to  England.  When  the  Reform  Bill 
of  1831  was  thrown  out  from  the  House  of  Lords,  the 
people  were  tumultuous ;    and  Melbourne   and  Grey, 


DANIEL  O'CONNELL.  31 

Russell  and  Brougham,  Lansdowne,  Holland,  and 
]\lacaulay,  the  Whig  chiefs,  cried  out,  "Don't  violate 
the  law :  you  help  the  Tories  !  Riots  put  back  the 
bill."  But  quiet,  sober  John  Bull,  law-abiding,  could 
not  do  without  it.  Birmingham  was  three  daj-s  in  the 
hands  of  a  mob.  Castles  were  burned.  Wellington 
ordered  the  Scotch  Greys  to  rongh-grind  their  swords 
as  at  Waterloo.  This  was  the  Whig  aristocracy  of 
England.  O'Connell  had  neither  office  nor  title.  Be- 
hind him  were  three  million  people,  steeped  in  utter 
wretchedness,  sore  with  the  oppression  of  centuries, 
ignored  by  statute. 

For  thirty  restless  and  turbulent  years  he  stood  in 
front  of  them,  and  said,  "  Remember,  he  that  commits 
a  crime  "helps  the  enemy."  And  during  that  long  and 
fearful  struggle,  I  do  not  remember  one  of  his  followers 
ever  being  convicted  of  a  political  offence,  and  during 
this  period  crimes  of  violence  were  very  rare.  There  is 
no  such  record  in  our  history.  Neither  in  classic  nor 
in  modern  times  can  the  man  be  produced  who  held  a 
million  of  people  in  his  right  hand  so  passive.  It  was 
due  to  the  consistency  and  unity  of  a  character  that 
had  hardly  a  flaw.  I  do  not  forget  your  soldiers,  ora- 
tors, or  poets,  —  any  of  your  leaders.  But  when  I  con- 
sider O'Connell's  personal  disinterestedness, — his  rare, 
brave  fidelity  to  every  cause  his  principles  covered,  no 
matter  how  unpopular,  or  how  embarrassing  to  his 
main  purpose,  —  that  clear,  far-reaching  vision,  and 
true  heart,  which,  on  most  moral  and  political  ques- 
tions, set  him  so  much  ahead  of  his  times  ;  his  elo- 
quence, almost  equally  effective  in  the  courts,  in  the 
senate,  and  before  the  masses ;  that  sagacity  which  set 
at  naught  the  malignant  vigilance  of  the  whole  imperial 
bar,  watching  thirty  years  for  a  misstep ;  Avhen  I  re- 
member that  he  invented  his  tools,  and  then  measure 


32  DANIEL  O'CONNELL. 

his  limited  means  •with  his  vast  success,  bearing  in  mind 
its  nature  ;  when  I  see  the  sobriety  and  moderation 
with  which  he  used  his  measureless  power,  and  the 
lofty,  generous  purpose  of  his  whole  life,  —  I  am  ready 
to  affirm  that  he  was,  all  things  considered,  tlie  greatest 
man  the  Irish  race  ever  produced. 


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